That genocide ideologue Filip Reyntjens remains obtuse is, at this point, almost a tautology. In his latest piece for African Arguments, an online publication, he once again displays the intellectual lethargy that has long characterised his commentary on the Great Lakes Region.
First, he claims it is illogical for two countries not at war to sign a peace deal. This is disingenuous. States do not need to issue formal declarations of war for violent confrontation to occur. Congo has bombed Rwandan territory on multiple occasions, violated its airspace, and kidnapped two RDF soldiers patrolling within Rwandan borders. Rwanda has acknowledged its defensive posture — limited, targeted operations aimed at neutralising threats.
President Kagame’s consistent response to questions about Rwandan military presence in Congo has been: Why would we need to do that? — a rhetorical pushback against Western media’s refusal to recognise the existential threat posed by the FDLR, a remnant genocidal force operating with impunity in eastern Congo.
It is no coincidence that the recent peace frameworks refer to Rwanda’s involvement as “defensive measures,” an implicit admission that the FDLR must be neutralised for any such actions to cease. If Rwanda’s measures were confined solely within its territory, would there even be calls to “lift” them? Reyntjens’s argument collapses under the weight of its own contradictions.
Second, he alleges that Rwanda has never sought to eliminate the FDLR. One wonders whether he was in a coma during Operation Umoja Wetu — the joint Rwandan-Congolese military initiative aimed precisely at dismantling FDLR networks. That operation was widely condemned not for its failure, but for its effectiveness . Western powers raised alarm ostensibly over human rights violations — but in truth, it was the sting of being sidelined during a rare moment of intra-African military cooperation between Rwanda and Congo that truly provoked their outcry.
If, as Reyntjens insists, the FDLR is merely a pretext for Rwandan incursion and looting, then what has Monusco and the FARDC — the actors ostensibly tasked with neutralising the FDLR — been doing all these years? Why have they failed to remove this so-called “pretext”?
It is tragic that generations of students were subjected to the tutelage of a man whose most prominent brush with power was as advisor to a genocidal regime. His continued relevance in Western commentary owes less to intellectual rigour than to the endurance of an old script — one that flattens African complexity into caricature, and mistakes noise for analysis.
